Showing posts with label Barack Obama. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Barack Obama. Show all posts

Saturday, March 14, 2020

Why do so many blacks back Biden?

Why do so many blacks back Biden?

— Seattle woman succinctly ‘splains


This post by Seattle resident Laurie Goff goes a long way to explain why black people are willing to overlook some troubling aspects of former Vice President Joe Biden’s political career. In less than sixty seconds she gets closer to the heart of the matter than so many of the talking cable heads:

“Let me explain something to you about Joe Biden and why some of the shit that he’s done in his past doesn’t matter. This old rich white man played second fiddle to a black man. Not just any black man, but a younger black man, a smart black man. Not just for a day. Not 1, not 2 but eight years. He took his cues from this black man who had more power than him and was virtually unknown when he took the presidency, and Joe Biden had been around forever. He was willing and proud to be his wing man. Not once did he try to undermine him, this black man. Instead Joe walked in lockstep with him, he respected him, he loved and trusted him. He was led by him and he learned from him. And Joe did not have a problem with it. You tell me what 40+ year “establishment” white politician has ever done that. Joe Biden is cut from a different cloth. And black folks understand that and for good reason. He has shown it. This is what showing up and being an ally looks like. When black people say they know Joe, this is how we know.” 
— Laurie Goff

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Monday, February 05, 2018

On White Evangelicals: Telling it Like it T-I-IZZ

Read this to see why Pulitzer Prize winner Leonard Pitts paid its author the highest praise one writer can give another: “Damn! I wish I’d written this!”

Monday, May 01, 2017

Thinking Globally, Acting Locally: From Obama to the Q

Former community organizer offers cautionary tale on seduction by the elite

Just over a week ago, I spent a few hours, along with a couple of other reporters, listening to and asking questions of the leaders of Greater Cleveland Congregations, the largest and most prominent of the civic groups questioning the fairness, wisdom, and morality of the Cavaliers proposal to have the public fund a glittering expansion of Quicken Loans Arena at a projected cost of $282 million.

The diverse group included pastors of several inner-city black churches with both high and low profiles, the minister of a mainline Protestant suburban congregation, and two activist professionals from Greater Cleveland's Jewish community, still one of the nation's largest, best organized, and most influential. No Catholic or Muslim representative around the table, but Catholics for a Greater Cleveland and the Islamic Center of Cleveland are active GCC members.

GCC wanted to counter what they saw as the horse race coverage of the legislation and the occasional distortion of its position. Members emphasized GCC is a social change organization focused on specific actions in such areas as jobs, mental health, civic participation. They said their concerns over the Q deal were informed by a canvass of over 15,000 homes last fall that produced more than 5,000 discussions.

GCC position
GCC favors the creation of a community equity fund to address some of the city's systemic and structural inequities. They specifically disclaimed any interest in controlling the fund.

As we went around the table, the most resounding statement came from an African Methodist Episcopal clergywoman who is also a retired Cleveland public school teacher. She expressed her outrage over "this unjust deal. ... It's not about the Cavs. There are needs more important than the Q," she said, listing more jobs, better schools, greater police protection as priority community needs.

"People's voices should be heard,” the Glenville resident continued. “People in Cleveland deserve more than they're getting. We're not going to be silent anymore."

The Rev. Richard Gibson serves alongside Rabbi Robert Nosanchuk and the Rev. Jawanza Colvin as one of GCC's three co-leaders. Gibson, who pastors Elizabeth Baptist Church, spoke starkly about what he sees underlying the proposed deal. The onetime corporate lawyer said that public investment in sports venues was not rational. He said such deals reflect the inefficient function of the market here and suggested that waterfront development was only one of numerous ideas that made more sense from a development standpoint.

Gibson invoked a biblical perspective, arguing that our obsession with pro sports and its heroes was akin to idolatry. "We have elevated sports and sports teams over people."

Rev. Colvin, senior pastor of Olivet Institutional Baptist Church, echoed his colleague. "Our opposition to the deal is clear," he said. "Budgets are moral documents. 'Where your treasure is, there will be your hearts also.'"

Colvin dismissed arguments by the deal's proponents about the economic development benefits that would flow from the Q expansion, saying that trickle down theories were without merit. "We need strong community benefits agreements coming out of these investments," said Colvin.

As the conversation continued, reference was made to how public officials in other communities had successfully leveraged sports venue investment deals to negotiated positive outcomes for the larger community. Milwaukee, Pittsburgh, Baltimore and Atlanta were cited as examples. GCC members acknowledged that each deal is different but said community investment was a common thread. GCC lead organizer James Pearlstein said community investment relative to public investment in pro sports venues was "a conversation that should have happened 20 years ago."

GCC said it met with Cavs leaders and County Executive Armond Budish in private to express their concerns and to seek creation of a $160 million community equity fund. The fund would be used to create jobs, especially for formerly incarcerated people; for capital improvements in the most under developed neighborhoods; and to create east and west side mental health centers that, among other benefits, would reduce the strains on a county justice system that regularly stores an inmate population comprising 1/3 to 1/2 of people who don't belong there. Alternative treatment, they say, could save the public $5 million annually — citing Portland, San Antonio, and Chicago (each of which also has an NBA franchise).

When the meeting ended without progress, GCC delivered a letter to the Cavaliers. They say the Cavs have yet to reply to that letter, or to a second letter that was publicly delivered by a delegation that went to Quicken Loan headquarters in Detroit in late March.

Cavs Response
We spoke with a top Cavaliers official the day after meeting with the GCC team. We wanted to engage a discussion about GCC’s position, to talk about community benefits from the public’s perspective, to dig deeper into some of the assertions made by each side.

The conversation was cordial and extended almost ninety minutes. But the official did not want to speak for the record, and totally refused to entertain any question about GCC, even down to the date of the Cavs/Budish/GCC meeting, the contents of the letter delivered by GCC, or the team’s non-reply. He was expansive about the benefits of the deal, as touted on the “Q-Transformation”website. We had visited the site prior to our conversation, where we saw a strong argument that the Q is slipping further from world-class status, a fact that had not been on our radar. But we didn’t find anything on the site to convince us that our publicly owned facility was approaching functional obsolescence.

Among the claims of deal proponents that trouble us the most is the notion that the Cavs are paying “half the cost” of construction, or $70 million of the $140 million price tag before financing is factored in. The $70 million Cavs contribution is to be paid in the form of increased rent, largely related to the extension of the team’s lease from its present expiration date in 2027 until 2034, or another seven years. The lease extension may be a justification of sorts for the deal but it’s not like the team is paying $70 million for the construction plus rent.

When we asked how much the Cavs are paying in rent now, and would be paying in the future, on an annualized basis, we got some discourse about fluctuations and calculations that basically came across like verbal Three Card Monte.

The conversation ended on pleasantries, even as we sought once again to elicit comment about GCC. The Cavs executive team, we must admit, has a strong zone defense.

Politics as Usual
We have been struck in the discussion over the Q question by the unfortunate Cleveland tendency to personalize issues. Both sides have done this with respect to Cavaliers owner Dan Gilbert, who also owns the less than prime online mortgage company Quicken Loans.

Mr. Gilbert is a phenomenally successful businessman, a multi-billionaire. He has been good for the city in several ways. Through his family of companies he has provided thousands of jobs and regularly contributes to various civic causes. Through the same channels, he also donates to a variety of Greater Cleveland nonprofit organizations. And we have it on good authority that without his finger on the scale, Ohio would not have received the most recent infusion of $192 million in federal funds — at least $37 million of which landed in Cuyahoga County — aimed at tearing down our excess of vacant and abandoned homes in our community. (We won't comment on the irony of what role his mortgage company might have played arole in creating some of those vacancies.)

We also take note that by all accounts Mr. Gilbert has been a leader in equal opportunity hiring. By so doing this newcomer has raised the bar to show some of our local leaders what can be done in the arena of equitable hiring and contracting. In this regard he deserves credit for performing instead of cheerleading.

Notwithstanding these feathers in his cap, it should not be forgotten that Mr. Gilbert's most prominent operation — the Cleveland Cavaliers — is a very private business worth a billion dollars. It is a business heavily subsidized by taxpayers. We provide the palace for his operation at a multi-million dollar cost to our municipal coffers and overburdened school system. No one documents the cost of this immense subsidization more accurately or faithfully than our favorite recorder of dastardly deeds, Roldo Bartimole. (Visit here for a sample of his numbers keeping.)

Mr. Gilbert was also given the perpetual right, constitutionally enshrined in state law, to a state monopoly on casino gambling in Cleveland and Cincinnati. In this town that came with certain promises about building a new casino that are likely to remain unfulfilled. Considering the unrequited gift, Mr. Gilbert will always be in our municipal debt as we see it.

Our attitude towards Dan Gilbert should be the same as W. E. B. DuBois' stance regarding Booker T. Washington. To paraphrase a clarion passage from Dr. DuBois in The Souls of Black Folk:

 “So long as [Mr. Gilbert does good], we must hold up his hands and strive with him, rejoicing in his honors and glorifying in the strength of this Joshua called of God and of man to lead the headless host. But so far as [Mr. Gilbert attempts to snooker us], — so long as he, or [our elected officials] does this, — we must unceasingly and firmly oppose them.” [1]

The Obama Connection
Barack Obama is a millionaire. Most of us, I suspect, regardless of our politics, don't think about his wealth. I have personally followed his career ever since I saw an obscure news item back in February 1990 about this guy with the
strange name being the first black person ever elected president of the Harvard Law Review. I read and identified with his marvelous reminiscence, Dreams From My Father when it was published in 1995.

Even after his dozen years of public service he still appears the same person I first encountered in that early memoir, which I learned today was an early and significant source of his wealth, which has become a topic of public debate since last week’s report that he was being paid $400,000 to speak at a Wall St. function.

We won't comment here beyond noting that since the pedestrian Gerald Ford began the practice, Jimmy Carter is the only ex-president not to have cashed in on his status in that manner.

An editorial in today’s New York Times leads with the following quote from Obama’s second book, The Audacity of Hope:
 

“I found myself spending time with people of means — law firm partners and investment bankers, hedge fund managers and venture capitalists,” Senator Barack Obama wrote in his book The Audacity of Hope.“As a rule, they were smart, interesting people. But they reflected, almost uniformly, the perspectives of their class: the top 1 percent or so of the income scale.” 
He wrote in 2006: “I know that as a consequence of my fund-raising I became more like the wealthy donors I met. I spent more and more of my time above the fray, outside the world of immediate hunger, disappointment, fear, irrationality, and frequent hardship of … the people that I’d entered public life to serve.”

Isn't that the crux of the disconnect we see playing out in the Q debate? Dan Gilbert's management team and uber-lawyer Fred Nance, who ostensibly negotiated this deal on behalf of the public, have no insight or connection to the community
Cleveland councilman Mike Polensek cries out to Cavaliers' brass [first row behind railing}: "You made us BEG!" City Council Meeting, April 24, 2017.
on whose behalf GCC is speaking. And most of the public officials from Budish and Cleveland Mayor Frank Jackson on down through most members of the county and city councils, have traded in, on this issue at least, whatever notion of public service they may have entered office with. They are apparently more afraid of the downtown deep pockets who can fund their campaigns, or perhaps more ominously, that of an opponent, than they are responsive to the needs of their constituents who sent them downtown as their representatives.

This critique extends to the herd of black leaders — some with real followings, a few with imaginary organizations — who stood and spoke at last week’s disheartening spectacle on the steps of City Hall, with abundant joy about the largesse of the Cavaliers organization. The team offered the equivalent of a mess of pottage in exchange for what should be the birthright of Clevelanders to safe neighborhoods, decent schools, and reasonable life opportunities.

The silver lining in this episode awaits a successful referendum that would overturn the craven decision of elected officials and generate a healthy discussion of community benefits. 

We’d be “All In” for that!




[1] The Souls of Black Folk [1903], Chapter III, "Of Mr. Booker T. Washington and Others”, last paragraph.

Friday, October 14, 2011

Black Political Leadership in Cleveland and Civil Rights, Part III


What are the characteristics we should be looking for in our leaders?

Imagine how things might have been different if, instead of Messrs. Forbes and Pinkney signing off on reapportionment and redistricting plans for NE Ohio drawn up in Columbus back rooms, these gentlemen had advised House Speaker Batchelder,  “Bill, you really should be discussing this with House and Senate members from this district. They are the currently elected representatives of the areas you propose to affect. We would be delighted to arrange that session for you if you would like.”

What if, instead of a closed circle of elders whose process enervates rather than energizes community action, state senators Shirley Smith and Nina Turner, or state representatives Barbara Boyd, Sandra Williams, Bill Patmon, and John Barnes had pre-empted  Batchelder's end-run and called for community input, or a metropolitan wide teach-in?

What if PolicyBridge or United Pastors in Mission had convened a gathering of community experts or representatives to initiate a discussion about the shape of a new Congressional district or the imminent new state legislative districts?

What if one or more of those legislators or community citizens had stood up and questioned whether the concerns that animated us in 1968 were, or should be, still the most pressing considerations in 2012?

What if our political players focused on fostering a kind of leadership that looks at the big picture instead of scrambling for crumbs, that doesn’t marginalize black representation but recruits and nurtures black candidates who could confidently seek votes across all kinds of ethnic or religious lines?

Italian, Irish, Jewish, Slavic candidates repeatedly come into our communities and ask for our support. And when we find them worthy, we give it to them. These candidates are usually accompanied by elected black officials whose stance and rhetoric and inaction tell us that they are afraid to go into Italian, Irish, Jewish, and Slavic communities and ask for support.

The masses of black people loved Carl Stokes and Stephanie Tubbs Jones and love Barack Obama because they earned our trust to the point that they could campaign in any community and remain authentically themselves.

That is one reason that it was so distressing in 2008 when former Congressman Louis Stokes, put the kibosh on a new county charter because, he said, a black candidate could never win the office of county executive. He said this at the very moment that presidential candidate Barack Obama was eradicating barriers right and left, north and south. [1]

Insofar as we accept that African Americans can only win in jurisdictions that are heavily black, we limit our horizons and our prospects. We handicap our candidates and our best leaders. We marginalize ourselves. And we tell the world that we have no confidence in our leaders or ourselves.

Our political model is seriously outmoded. There was a time not long ago in this community where African Americans simultaneously headed Cleveland City Hall, the Cleveland Foundation, the Growth Association, and a host of other major institutions and agencies. Who can argue that we don’t have the talent to lead this community?

We have a broken political structure in our community based on obsolete tapes of decades gone by. It discourages many of our most potentially able leaders from even considering political office. It casts a pall on our polity and our economy, locally and regionally. It reduces our regional strength and diminishes our statewide impact. And, I believe, it is a major reason why so many black voters stay away from the polls on Election Day.

What do you think?  How can we move forward?





[1] It was the esteemed former Congressman’s solitary and non-community processed veto that resulted in the overwhelming adoption the following year that was inferior to a more reasoned and equitable plan developed by a bi-partisan study group that included community-wide input and a more transparent process.