Cuyahoga Politics Today
Sour grapes campaign maligns judge and her supporters
Councilman’s
defenders unwilling to accept “there’s a new sheriff in town”
By R. T. Andrews
Judge W. MonĂĄ Scott |
Attorney W. MonĂĄ Scott’s defeat of incumbent housing
court judge Ron O’Leary has not been well received i n certain parts of our
town. The reasons are worth looking at.
First, some facts.
Cleveland’s housing court, a special division of
Cleveland Municipal Court, was established in 1980. It has jurisdiction over criminal
cases involving violations of Cleveland’s housing, building, fire, zoning,
health, waste collection, sidewalk and agricultural and air pollution codes. It
also hears civil cases involving landlord and tenant disputes.
Arguably, it is the most powerful of
Cleveland’s municipal court seats, not just because of its jurisdictional
portfolio: it has also has about sixty employees, and the housing court judge
has the power to hire and fire most of them.
The court’s activities have become more consequential
since the Great Recession of 2008 and the formation of the County Land Bank in
2009.
When longtime housing court judge Ray
Pianka died suddenly in early 2017, then-Gov. John Kasich, picked a fellow Republican,
attorney Ron O’Leary, to replace him. At the time, O’Leary was director of the
city’s building and housing department. In November 2017 he won a relatively
short campaign to retain the seat for the balance of Pianka’s term, defeating MonĂĄ
Scott in a three way race by less than 400 votes.
Scott challenged O’Leary again last year,
this time defeating him in a two-way race for a full six-year term. It’s
interesting to note that while Scott’s received 246 fewer votes in the second
race, O’Leary’s vote total fell by 4,284. Scott won by a decisive 55.6% to 44.4%
margin.
Let’s also remember that Scott’s credentials
are at least on par with O’Leary’s. She is a former Cleveland fair housing
administrator for Cleveland, and a former assistant Cuyahoga County prosecutor,
with prior experience the prosecutor’s tax foreclosure division. Unlike either O’Leary or Pianka, she ascends the bench with actual
trial court experience.
Cleveland is a majority black city, and
most of the city’s municipal court judges are black. In fact ten of the 13 city
municipal court judges are women, and nine of the judges are people of color [8
black, one Hispanic].
So what’s the fuss about?
The complainants are publicly grousing
through their media connections[1]
that Scott won because voters ignored qualifications and blindly voted “D”, and
that she then vindictively pursued a complaint against councilman Tony
Brancatelli, a Democratic ally of the Republican O’Leary, based on
long-established Democratic Party rules.
We’ve already addressed the qualifications
issue; that is not substantial issue. We would add only that Scott reportedly spent
part of her childhood living in public housing. That’s a credential that likely
resonated with many city voters.
As to voters following the “D” in hypnotic
fashion — a trope gratuitously pushed and hyperbolically extended in this Plain
Dealer hit piece, obviously sole-sourced in the Brancatelli camp — let’s
recognize that O’Leary only became a judge because he is an “R” and was able to
extend his initial appointment tenure only by virtue of a short campaign in a
three-way race he narrowly escaped with less than 40% of the vote.
We’ve not spoken with either candidate or
their official representatives, although we have reached out to supporters on
both sides.
What we do know is this:
First and foremost, Judge Scott is not a part of
the old boy network. She is the first woman to serve as housing judge in the court’s
40 year history, and the second African American [the long forgotten Clarence
Gaines was the first].
Second, Brancatelli knew his public support
of O’Leary was in violation of Democratic Party rules that he, as a party
official, has regularly taken an oath to uphold. Further, while he angelically
denies being an active supporter of the O’Leary campaign, he delegated that
role to at least one key member of his camp. His various stated reasons for
supporting O’Leary in 2019 are suspect because he also actively supported O’Leary
against Scott in 2017.
It is thus understandable that Scott pursued
her intraparty complaint against Brancatelli; how else does one deter a repeat
violator?
The Democrats’ Party Unity Review Committee
[PURC], which reviews complaints of this type, is worthy of a separate
discussion. Suffice to say here, Brancatelli openly and knowingly violated the
rules, and is now recruiting megaphones to complain on his behalf.
That may be one of the reasons that even before
his punishment was meted out by PURC, Brancatelli lost in his own ward caucus
for the position of ward leader by a more progressive activist in his
hard-scrabble community. When you can’t fend off a challenger on the home turf
you’ve ruled for more than a decade, you likely should be looking for your next
job.
We think the real reason Judge Scott’s name,
temperament and qualifications are being tarnished is that she has disrupted
the white boys club. It’s a stark statement but one supported by the evidence.
It’s most obvious in the tone of Brancatelli defenders who think Scott couldn’t
possibly be deserving of the position, though she checked every darn box,
including the most important one: she got 55% of the vote.
Those on the losing side have argued, and
their minions have echoed, that Scott somehow knew she was unqualified because
she failed to participate in judge4yourself.com, the establishment blessed
gauntlet for judicial candidates. That attack fails in the light of what is
increasingly being acknowledged: the judge4yourself process contains some
inherent biases that must be addressed before it is worthwhile for many black
candidates to participate. As we reported this past week, other organizations
have stepped up to initiate new judicial candidate vetting. We will report on
their initial results tomorrow, assuming they adhere to their previously
announced schedule.
Scott’s success has disrupted the cozy network
established by the former regime. It’s what happens when seats change. Brancatelli
wasn’t the first to be PURC-ed [party regulars pronounce it “perked”] for
violating the rule and he shouldn’t be the last. Incidentally, black Democrats
will face the same dilemma this fall when deciding whether to support the highly
competent appellate judge Ray Headen notwithstanding his “R” credential.
Cleveland in many ways sits at a
crossroads. All the signs say that change is coming. The results of this year’s
Census will be a huge element. The voters’ decision whether to amend the city’s
charter to reduce the size of council from 17 to nine is another immense choice
point. And whether a challenger will arrive to convince the Mayor not to extend
his administration to twenty years is another crossroads moment.
What will not help us progress is playing
three-card monte with principles and rules, and then claiming foul when the
card that comes up isn’t yours, and it’s your turn to — if not rise and fly —
then at least open up the table to a new player.
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[1] The
Neighborhood News, Brancatelli’s ethnic neighborhood newspaper, wrote a rare
front page editorial decrying his modest punishment by the Party. It read, in
this reader’s eyes, like a call to return to an era when black people knew
their place.